March 27, 2013

簡介"Acculturation Model for L2 Acquisition: Review and Evaluation."及其評述


  根據Acculturation Model for L2 Acquisition : Review and Evaluation” (Barjesteh, Hamed, and Reza Vaseghi. "Acculturation Model for L2 Acquisition: Review and Evaluation." 此篇文章闡述了文化認同的定義,並且評估其在外語教學應用的可能性。

  Berry(1997)認為文化認同的定義是:兩個或兩個以上有著不同文化的群體接觸的後續變化,這個變化是雙方都會受到影響的。而文化認同(acculturation)和同化(enculturation)是不同的兩個概念,同化是指一個文化群體學習仿效另一個文化群體的文化價值觀,信仰和規範。
  
  The acculturation model, developed by Schumann主要根據兩方面:社會層面和心理層面Schuman指出學習者和目標語的心理距離接近的話,第二語言習得的成效也會更好。
  
  Social distance 是一個社會群體裡的成員和另一個使用不同語言的社會群體接觸的距離。受到以下幾點因素影響:
(1) Social dominance
如果第二語言習得的群體在政治、文化、技術、經濟層面上對目標語群體處於主導或是臣屬的關係,兩方的接觸就不會太頻繁,理想的情況是兩方在社會地位上均等。
(2)
Assimilation, preservation, and adaptation
最能拉近社會距離的情形是:第二語言習得的群體想要和目標語的群體同化(無條件的接受目標語群體的文化),次一種的情形是:第二語言習得的群體想要和目標語的群體在文化間的差異進行整合(而非同化),最後一種情形是第二語言習得的群體希望和目標語群體在語言和文化上維持分離。
(3) Enclosure
第二語言習得的群體和目標語群體若能共享愈多的社會機構(如:學校、教堂、工作場域等等)對於拉近兩群體的社會距離愈有幫助。
(4) Cohesiveness and size
當第二語言群體的凝聚力愈弱、群體成員愈少,愈能有效拉近和目標語的社會距離。
(5) Congruence
第二語言習得群體和目標語群體的文化同質性愈高,愈能增加兩群體接觸和語言習得的機會。
(6)
Attitude
第二語言習得群體對目標語群體持有正面的態度,有利於縮短彼此間的社會距離。
(7)
Intended length of residence
第二語言習得群體計畫在目標語群體待愈久,愈有利於第二語言習得。

Psychological distance 則是學習者對於另個文化之間的心理距離,受以下兩個因素影響:
(1) Language shock學習者使用第二語言時的困惑
(2)
Culture shock學習者對於目標語的文化和自身的文化差異感到驚訝。

  Schumann認為第二語言學習,依賴文化認同的程度,並將語言分為三功能:
(1)
Communicative function
(2) Integrative function
(3) Expressive function

  Schumann認為,如果學習者和目標語的社會/心理距離很大,這時文化認同的問題將成為學習者學習目標語的阻礙,而使得學習者一直停在pidginize的階段。

  在針對文化認同模型是否能應用在外語教學的部分Doughty and Long (2003) Schumann的文化認同模式只適用於自然習得的情形。 他們認為,在外語課室學習中,情況是完全不同的,因為大多數的社會和情感因素在課堂上並不那麼重要。但是bota1999)。認為文化認同模型促進了外語教學。Buttaro2004)則認為外語學習需要不僅僅是評估學生的閱讀和寫作能力,也需要理解社會和文化因素。

  這篇文章點出了一個重點,就是文化認同理論是否能真正應用在外語教學的課堂上?正反雙方都有自己的論點,反方除了認為文化認同在課堂操練上沒有太大的效果,再者是認為現有的ESL教學教材不易讓人產生文化認同。(教材只反映了往往反映了理想化的美國中產階級價值觀和經濟形勢,而不是現實的經濟和社會)。

 我個人比較偏向正面,因為語言作為一個溝通的工具,像是Schuman認為語言分為三功能:(1) Communicative function(2) Integrative function(3) Expressive function。語言傳遞的訊息不只是交談雙方的訊息,還有情感的層面及語言本身包含的文化意涵,所以一個外語學習者不可能只是學語言而除去社會、文化因素。而關於教材的部分,可能老師必須要先了解學生的狀況而視情況自編教材。

  文化認同是一個遠因,一個增強學生學習的動機,在教學層面聽說讀寫的操練看起來未必和文化認同直接相關,可是如果學生對於目標語的心理距離很大,只是為了成績而學習的話,心理上就不能接受目標語,自然也不會自發性看課外讀物、聽目標語的音樂、看目標語的影集。最後,根據Schuman1986年),文化認同是一個動態的過程,隨著時間的推移學習者的社會和心理距離的可能產生改變。所以如何使學習者拉近和目標語群體的社會/心理距離以增進第二語言習得的效果?值得我們好好想想。

The important role played by domain-general mechanisms in an emerging view of language acquisition


Emerging evidence has revealed that Infants’ learning strategies which are unexpected and unpredicted by historical views can now shed light on new perspectives on the role played by domain-general mechanisms in language acquisition. The present essay will first attempt to offer a brief overview of the historical theoretical positions and then to discuss the new view of language acquisition.

In the second half of the 20th century, the behavioral psychologist B F. Skinner proposed a reinforcement learning theory in his book Verbal Behavior (1957), arguing that language is an ‘operant’ behavior that can be learned through the manipulation of reward contingencies. Noam Chomsky’s review of Verbal Behavior (1959) argued against B F. Skinner on the topic of language acquisition. On Chomsky’s view, the reinforcement learning had little to do with acquiring language. Instead, what is special about human brains is the “language organ” or “language faculty” that is specifically dedicated to complete attainment of language. Chomsky posited an innate “language acquisition device” or “universal grammar” in later terms which then put forth a theory of language-specific innateness in language acquisition research.

What these historical theoretical positions suggest is the acute difference in positions on the three critical components of a theory of language acquisition. The three critical components of a theory of language acquisition include, according to Kuhl’s article, “A new view of language acquisition” in 2000, “(i) The initial state of knowledge, (ii) The mechanisms responsible for developmental change, and (iii) the role played by ambient language input.” Kuhl’s article comments on Skinner’s view and Chomsky’s view in relation to these three components. The article suggests that Skinner’s view believes “no innate information was necessary, developmental change was brought about through reward contingencies, and language input did not cause language to emerge.” On the other hand, in regard to Chomsky’s view, the article affirms that the innate knowledge of language was “a core tenet,” “development constituted ‘growth’ or maturation of the language module, and language input triggered a particular pattern from among those innately provided.”

Now that we have built our knowledge for historical theoretical views on language acquisition to a certain degree, let us draw our attention to the issues involved in researching a new view of language acquisition. What insights and new perspectives could the new data offer us? Kuhl’s article (2000) believes that the past research in the last half of the 20th century has failed to predict the important role played by infants’ learning strategies such as pattern perception and statistical computational skills in acquiring language. “Infants’ perception of the phonetic units of speech, which requires tracking the formant frequencies, and their detection of words from cues in running speech support a different view,” stated in the article. A number of the domain-general processing mechanisms were discussed in the article to consider the emerging perspectives on language acquisition. General auditory perceptual processing mechanism for example, as the article clearly suggested, plays a significant role in infants’ parsing of the phonetic units. It is believed that infants’ initial categorical perception and partitioning of the phonetic units of language are greatly influenced by domain-general mechanisms. The new view of language acquisition proposed in Kuhl’s article tends to put a great deal of focus on the domain-general processing mechanisms and believe that those can strongly influence the outcome of language acquisition, deliberately put less weight on the  initial state of knowledge.

In the end, the interesting new view of language acquisition raised in Kuhl’s article certainly deserves experts and researchers attention to better unfold the mysterious process behind the language learning scene. Several research questions could be further discussed: If Infants can employ domain-general mechanisms to acquire first language successfully, would it be possible to reactivate the same processing mechanisms used in infants’ first language learning when learning a second language? If the answer is positive, then to what extent could this reactivation of domain-general mechanisms be effective in second language acquisition?

March 26, 2013

學習第二外語有助於培養專注力?


    美國科學家近日研究發現,會說超過一種語言的人,患老人癡呆的年齡比只會說母語的人來的晚,因為學習第二外語可以增強腦力,對大腦是一種「訓練、運動」。
   
據美國西北大學(Northwestern University)科學家,刊登在《國家科學院學報》的研究發現,會講雙語的人,其腦部能刺激更多血液流向大腦,讓神經線的聯繫保持正常,有助於延緩患老人癡呆的年齡。
   
研究人員找來48名大學生,其中有23名擁有雙語能力,分別檢測他們對不同聲音產生的反應,並記錄他們的腦波圖形變化。
   
結果發現,在安靜的環境下,有雙語能力的學生與只會一種語言的學生,兩者腦波圖形類似;但在相反的吵雜環境下,有雙語能力的學生,其大腦處理聲音的能力,遠勝過只會一種語言的人,他們更能夠過濾掉雜音,吸收到重要資訊。
   
研究人員表示,根據「生物學」證據,說雙語能強化對聲音的處理,提升注意力,培養更專注、處理事情更有效率的能力;而且能夠保持腦部活動,延緩患老人痴呆,但並不表示能完全預防患老人癡呆症。

全文摘自NOWnews.com 今日新聞網

     說雙語真的有助於專注力嗎?我們知道:人的工作記憶是有限的,而大腦一次只能處理一定數量的資訊,若是同時有兩種語言需要處理,那麼工作記憶勢必會被分割。就像蠟燭不能兩頭燒一樣,一個大腦若同時聽到兩種可以分析的語言,我認為應該是增加負擔而不是減輕負擔,專注力應該是會被干擾而不是更專心。
     我自己的經驗是,如果我在跟朋友用中文聊天時,旁邊有法文的干擾,那麼對聽不懂法文的我來說,頂多只是背景聲音,不會進入到我的占用我的心理處理空間。但是如果旁邊的人講的是英文,那麼我可能就比較容易被拉過去,而無法專心在我自己的聊天上了。因為聽話在某種程度上就跟閱讀一樣,如果你習慣了閱讀,閱讀已經變成一種本能,那麼你就很難在看到文字的時候,自發的停止「閱讀」的動作。所以說,我如果聽到了一個對我來說熟悉的語言,那麼我就會自發的開始處理該語言的聲音,聲音變成意義也是自然的過程,這個語音轉換到語義的過程是不費力的。也就是說,當你會了一種語言後,你就很難不去「聽懂」它。
     那麼在吵雜環境下更能擷取資訊的狀況或許就只能適用於吵雜的環境下只有單一語言,而不能適用於有兩種以上語言同時進行的情況下了。各位有類似的經驗嗎?學習第二語言會增你的專注力嗎?你認為第二語言的學習對於專注力而言,是增強或是負擔呢?

March 18, 2013

Rethinking different explanations about what makes children and adult language learning “different” in its process and outcome: considerations and thoughts after reading “Social constraints on adult language learning” by Robbins Burling



In the introduction of the paper, the author lists some of the “traditional” explanations for the commonly observed fact that adults and children seem to cope with language differently, which often leads to different acquisition/learning outcomes. I would like to list the three traditional explanations mentioned in this article, and express some considerations about the evidence usually brought up to support them:

1 – The notion of critical period (Lenneberg) or sensitive period (Lamandella) is the first traditional explanation cited in the article. This theory indicates that after a certain age humans just become very bad at learning new languages, whilst language acquisition is very natural, effortless and automatic during childhood. This theory usually finds its supporting evidence in neurological maturation and consequent lateralization of brain functions (mainly from the analysis of patients who underwent hemisphere decortication and patients affected with crossed aphasia). This evidence is still debated: other researchers think that it is not possible to link lateralization of brain functions to a critical period, since some evidence of a certain degree of lateralization for verbal functions might be found also at a very early age (I’m referring to Entus, who carried experiments on few weeks old infants).
Another argument that is used to support this theory is the impossibility to teach language to so called “feral children”, i.e. children that for various reasons grew up in isolation and verbal deprivation. This evidence is also controversial, since some of the children who grew in verbal deprivation but normal or semi-normal environment (like hearing children of deaf parents, or deaf children of hearing parents who do not teach them sign language) could usually catch up with language acquisition after their exposure to natural language (school years). The failure of teaching language to “feral children” like Victor of Aveyron (the young boy “discovered” in France two centuries ago and who is believed to have grown up in the wilds without human contact) or Genie (a girl rescued when she was 13 after she lived her childhood in a very abusive environment in which she was tied to a chair in a dark room and forced to be silent) is also difficult to be used itself as evidence for a critical period. In fact, “feral children” who grow up in this kind of situations do not only suffer of verbal deprivation but also social deprivation and sometimes, like in the case of Genie, they lack of any experience that is considered useful for children’s normal cognitive development. Also, it is not possible to completely exclude the possibility that those children where mentally impaired since birth.

2 – The second theory listed in the article claims that adults are impaired in language learning because they have already reached the cognitive stage of formal operation (Krashen formulates this theory following the developmental stages suggested by Piaget). This developmental stage is indicated as when humans become able of formulating general abstract hypothesis in order to explain recurrent phenomena.
I do not see how this ability would impair and not enhance language learning. Being able to induce rules out of statistical recurrence seems to be a very useful skill in language acquisition, otherwise language learners would be “stuck” and only be able to learn language “formulas”, without being able to create new (but acceptable) sentences.
It seems that children also have the ability of formulating abstract hypothesis, which are not always completely correct at first and might need to be “reformulated” several times. This, for example, seems to happen with lexical learning, when at the beginning children have the tendency to overgeneralize words. Nevertheless, we still need to consider that the amount of words overgeneralized by children is probably overestimated, since observation is often only limited to children’s production and not comprehension, and also because it is not very easy to clearly distinguish real overgeneralizations and random mistakes or strategies that children may use to make up for inaccessibility to the target lexical item.
But also if not considering overgeneralization, can word learning be limited to what the child experiences in the hic et nunc? If children were not able to formulate abstract hypothesis about words, how would they be able to name specific empirical objects they have never seen before? (For example a specific cat never seen before that has a fur with a color combination never seen before).

3 – The third and last explanation listed by the author is what Schumann reported after studying a Costa Rican immigrant’s difficulties in learning the English after moving to the States. According to Schumann, social factors constitute a very strong barrier preventing adult learners to be as successful as children in language learning. For social barriers he means the social contextual difficulties that for example an adult may encounter if he/she migrates to a new country, where they not only experience a cultural shock because of the differences between their own culture and the culture of the new country, but sometimes also have to deal with the native’s hostility and prejudices, due to the particular cultural, political, economic dominance relationships between the two language groups. This may lead to a psychological and social distance that makes the learners want to isolate themselves rather than become part of the new community, and the integration might be regarded as negative by the local community itself.
But does Schumann’s theory imply that if the social context is not hostile then language learners can avoid learning difficulties and frustrations? This does not seem to be the case. The strongest argument against this assumption is given by the author himself, who lived for one year in a foreign country (Sweden) in a not-hostile but indeed very welcoming social environment. Nevertheless, he still encountered many difficulties and frustrations in his process of learning Swedish as a second language. The author, who is an anthropologist, becomes his own subject in the investigation of his own language learning “failure”. The result is a very peculiars “self”-case study in which, mostly through introspection, note taking and anecdotal evidence, the author tries to reconstruct the path of his foreign language acquisition.
Since it is not possible to blame “social shock” or “social distance” in the case of the author (he describes Swedish people as very welcoming and nice to him), these factors cannot be regarded alone as the only causes of language learning difficulties in adults (also for Schumann’s subject). But still, the author does not believe that the only difference between adult and children language acquisition is determined by maturation reasons (as with Lenneberg’s or Krashen’s theories).
Adults need to deal with a learning environment and learning content which is totally different from what children face while they grow up. For example, adults need (and usually want) to express themselves in a polite way and not to sound rude, while smaller children are not that concerned about manners. This makes adults deal with very complex structures from the very beginning in order to learn how to address other people respectfully. But even though there is a stress on manners in instructional language teaching, if a learner uses an expression which is not considered polite in a real social context, other adults are likely to feel offended (while they will be more forgiving towards a child) or would feel that it is not appropriate in the moment to instruct the adult learner about what he should have said (while caregivers usually give explicit instructions on manner to children when they speak impolitely or say what they should not say). According to the author, this deprives adults of a very useful and context-transparent language feedback.
Also the content of the language learned by adults and children presents differences: children are more exposed to or interested in “everyday life” content, or content related to actions they see performed or that they perform at the moment, while adult are expected to and interested in more complex contents and feel the need to express complex opinions. These content related discrepancies also reflect on the very different order of acquisition of lexical items for children and adult learners.
With all this differences between child and adult learning related to content, environment, behavior, social expectations, social interactions, language exposure, language use and so on, it seems to be very difficult (and probably not fair) to blame adults, both in instructional and non-instructional learning environment, to be naturally non inclined to language learning as an explanation of their learning “failures”.

季安玫

March 13, 2013

文化認同度與第二語言習得之間的關係



     文/Si Yu Chen   
     一般認為學習者在一個自然的環境,青春期開始學習第二語言(L2)是較為不利的。受到生物年齡的制約,也使得習得第二語言的學習者無法如母語者一般流利。然而,現有的文獻表明,第二語言習得在青春期過後也會受到其他因素的影響,例如:「文化認同」”acculturation in relation to the acquisition of a second language”此篇文章使用Stephenson Multigroup Acculturation Scale ( SMAS )量表研究文化認同度對中國裔英語為第二語言學習者之間的關係。測試青春期之後才到美國學習英文的中國學生,檢視他們對美國社會的文化認同是否能夠提高他們口說的程度和能夠發出更自然的英語發音。結果表明,文化認同度與口說能力呈正相關,但並不會提升發音的準確性。

    關於文化認同和二語習得的相關性,我也是持正面態度。學習語言本不只限於聽說讀寫基本四技而已,而是透過語言指射出這個社會的文化思維。Hans-Georg Gadamer (1990-2002) 認為「語言不單是人類運用的一種工具,更是把世界建構起來的東西。」我們無法親身經歷這世界上發生的任何事情,但是透過語言我們可以更瞭解這個世界。每個語言都有自己的文化,所以當學習者認同其語言的文化底蘊,在學習的過程中更能了解這個語言背後的因由,例如聖誕節的由來,學習者並不只是學習這個節日的名稱,也會了解背後的思想。所以學習語言其實也是學習文化,於是學習者對於此文化的認同自然也會提升學習的動機,使其在學習時不僅學習到語言的溝通技能,也能深入到此文化的特殊性,提高學習的成效。

March 12, 2013

我們怎麼學習第二語言? Nature Versus Nurture?


文/ PeiChen
美國西北大學的神經科學家Patrick Wong發現(2007):人腦中一個特定的部位越大,這個人學習語言的能力就越好。這個部位是顳橫回(Heschl's Gyrus),而這個部位在左右腦都有,是掌管聽覺的。但是在這個研究中發現,只有左腦的顳橫回大小會影響人學習語言的潛力。這個實驗的方法是設計一種不存在的聲調語言(聲調語言就是指在一個語言中,同一個音段組合若聲調不同會產生不同的意思,例如中文裡:同一個音段/ma/用一聲念是「媽媽」,但用三聲念是「馬」),讓母語為非聲調語言的受試者(在此實驗中為英文母語者)學習該語言中的字(一邊聽字的聲音,一邊看相對應字義的圖片),然後看他們的表現。實驗的預測是左腦顳橫回越大的受試者(研究者稱他們為預測成功學習者),他們的學習效果會越好。結果發現,那些預測成功學習者,都可以在兩到三個學習階段內就達到百分之九十七的正確率,而另外的受試者則平均只有達到百分之六十三的正確率。證實了Wong的假設。
    看完這篇文章,我想到學習的大哉問:nature versus nurture?也就是說學習這件事情,靠的是天分或是努力?就這個研究上看來,似乎是給學習的先天說下了一個很好的註腳。至少在學習語言的最開始,我們並不是一片空白的白板,而是各自帶著不同的條件進入語言學習環境的:包括這篇研究說的左腦顳橫回是一種,其他我認為還有像不同的母語和學習風格等等也都算是例子。那麼這樣子的證據對各位來說足夠嗎?你們贊成先天說嗎?天分跟努力孰輕孰重?我認為或許人腦是會透過學習而改變的,而我們學習也是為了改變。但人類在學語言的先天條件上應該會有不同,雖然這個不同並不保證著學習最後的總成效,但卻是不能忽略的事實。因為不管從教師或學習者的角度來看,能夠知道自己在學習上的優勢和弱勢,對於學習語言來說都是一件好事。

Language shapes cognition?

  Last week I read an article on the relationships between language and cognition written by Lera Boroditsky. It mentioned that there was an aboriginal group in Australia, the Kuuk Thaayorre. In that language, words like "left" and " right" are not used. Everything in the language is laid out in absolute space as mentioned in the article. For example, you have to say things like "There is an ant on your northwest leg." To speak the language, you must know which absolute direction you are facing. If language really shapes cognition, then a native speaker of that language must have a good sense of direction. When I first came to Taipei, I got lost often. If learning a language could affect cognition, a language like that would be a good candidate for me to improve my sense of direction. However, I take that with a grain of salt. More persuading evidence should be provided. It is said that learning German enable you to think more logically because the syntactic structures are complex for me as a native speaker of Chinese. From personal experience, I didn't make big progress in learning math such as statistics. Do you guys have any personal experience on any possible ways language shapes your cognition?

Can second language learning be as natural as first language learning?


The research topic on second language learning has opened debates and drawn a great deal of attention of scientists and linguists. This essay aims to discuss whether second language learning could be as natural as first language learning.

It is widely believed that learning a second language cannot be as natural as learning a mother tongue. A significant number of people believe that second language can not be learned as quick and easy as native language can be learned. However, little thought has been put into the question of whether first language learning is “natural” at all. The word “natural” here refers to the quickness, easiness, and effortlessness that may take place in language learning. According to Diller’s article, “’Natural methods’ of foreign-language teaching: can they exist? What criteria must they meet?” published in 1981, Diller argues that “[…] one should not expect nativelike mastery of a foreign language in a few months even of intense exposure or study.” The article suggests that first language learning tend to be not as quick and easy as some experts believe, but a much longer developmental process instead. For example, the direct communication with adults and careful instructions that require time and energy are needed to make first language learning happen. Thus, Diller believes that first language learning is not that natural. 

The article further asserts that the question as to whether second language learning is natural deserves a neurolinguistic explanation. While the pyramidal cells are crucial in neuromuscular control, hence reflected in pronunciations and accents, develop early by age six or eight, the stellate cells that are particularly linked with cognition and learning continue to grow, after age six or eight, over the next two to three decades. Interestingly, the stellate cells are continuously involved in both first language learning and second language learning over the course of the language learning development. From a neurological aspect; therefore, language learning in both first language and second language appear to be not that natural to a certain extent.

To conclude, now that we know both first language learning and second language learning are not that natural, not quick, east, and effortless to learn, we would like to pose research questions that explore the relationships connecting first language learning and second language learning. Can second language learning be like first language learning? Is it possible to reactivate the domain-general learning mechanisms that contribute to the acquisition of the native language in second language learning?